| 1993
Executive Summary
The fifth
annual Republican Liberty Index is in and --
surprise! -- Republicans have shown again that
they tend toward the libertarian position on
both economic and social issues relative to
Democrats. The idea that libertarianism is
"off" the political spectrum, being a
combination of liberal and conservative views,
is increasingly obsolete. Our agenda is very
much a part of the emerging consensus of the
political right in our country.
This emerging
consensus features a renewed commitment to
traditional Republican values, such as reliance
on the free market, on family, church and other
forms of voluntary association, and on local
government, as opposed to reliance on central
government, both because of concerns for
individual virtue as well as economic
efficiency. However, as we have pointed out
before, this emerging consensus is not as well
defined in the area of civil liberties as it is
in the area of economics.
Based on forty
key votes, twenty in each of the two categories,
the average Republican score in the Senate was
65 (out of 100) in the category of economics (37
for the Democrats), and 63 in the category of
personal liberties (34 for the Democrats). In
the House of Representatives, the average
Republican score was 78 in the category of
economics (25 for the Democrats), and 64 in the
category of personal liberties (38 for the
Democrats).
Rollcall
Votes
Key votes in the
category of economics covered spending, taxes,
the deficit, labor policy, industrial policy,
trade policy, and environmental policy. Among
these were family leave and striker replacement
legislation, approval of NAFTA, funding of the
super collider and the space station, the
administration's budget proposal and stimulus
package, and the Penny-Kasich spending cuts.
Key votes in the
category of civil liberties covered abortion,
homosexuality, drugs, choice in education, gun
control, the draft, foreign policy, immigration,
and government funding and regulation of speech
including the arts, broadcasting, and political
campaigns. Specific votes included the Brady
Bill, lifting of the "gag rule" that
had prohibited clinics receiving federal funds
from discussing abortion, prohibiting the
funding of the U.N. Population Fund unless the
President certifies that the People's Republic
of China no longer compels abortion,
confirmation of Roberta Achtenberg as an
assistant secretary of HUD, and to authorize the
previous deployment of U.S. troops to Somalia
under the War Powers Act.
Rating
Leaders
The #1 U.S.
Senator was Don Nickles of Oklahoma, who edged
out Judd Gregg and Robert Smith, both of New
Hampshire, the latter of which had placed #1
each of the prior two years. Dana Rohrabacker of
California was joined by Phil Crane of Illinois
and Robert Walker of Pennsylvania in a three-way
tie for first among members of the lower house.
Congressman Rohrabacker had placed first each of
the prior two years.
This year there
were no perfect scores, but several members came
close in the category of economics: Congressmen
Crane, Rohrabacker and Walker, as well as
Congressman Linder of Georgia, each had but one
bad vote in the category of economics, that vote
being against terminating the space station.
Also close to perfect were Congressmen Allard of
Colorado and Manzullo of Illinois, who voted
against cutting the budget of the Rural
Electrification Administration, Congressman
Paxson of New York, who voted to extend
unemployment benefits, Congressman Nussle of
Iowa, who voted against cutting the subsidy to
AMTRAK, and Congressman Knollenberg of Michigan,
who didn't participate in the vote to extend the
deadline for fast-track approval of GATT. As it
was never our intention to create a "litmus
test," the somewhat random deviation of
these near misses is actually reassuring.
Liberty Categories
As before,
scores were more problematic in the category of
civil liberties. The highest individual scores
were achieved by Congressmen Hoke of Ohio and
Skeen of New Mexico, each of whom scored 80.
Congressman Hoke had four bad votes and one no
vote, and Congressman Skeen three bad votes and
three no votes. Close behind with 78's were our
three overall co-winners and seven others. The
issues on which both Congressman Hoke and Skeen
voted wrong or didn't vote illustrate some of
the problem areas within the category of civil
liberties for libertarians in the Republican
Party: one involved a ban of the District of
Columbia's "domestic partners"
ordinance, and the other an increase in the
budget for the border patrol.
On average,
Republicans score better than Democrats in the
category of civil liberties. But, this is not
the result of Republicans embracing a systematic
libertarian approach to civil liberties, but the
result of a few shifts of position on particular
issues. Republicans continue to defend
traditionally Republican civil liberties, such
as freedom of religion and the right to keep and
bear arms. In addition, Republicans today
defend, and Democrats today attack certain
traditionally Democratic civil liberties, such
as equal rights. These are the shifts that have
taken place. This doesn't mean that Republicans
have, as a political party, converted into
libertarians, but we can hope and work for
continued change.
While there were
no 100's in this year's index, there were three
zero's (all in the category of economics):
Congressmen Bonior of Michigan, Green of Texas,
and Hilliard of Alabama. Needless to say, all
three zero's are Democrats.
Party Comparisons
How much
difference is there, really, in the voting
records of Republicans and Democrats? On the
basis of the data we have compiled over the
years, some libertarian purists have
begrudgingly admitted to a difference, but have
argued that it's only a small difference. As one
has put it, only there's only "a dime's
worth of difference."
It's difficult
to summarize into one number the differences
between Republicans and Democrats. Republicans
are clearly superior to Democrats on economic
issues, and are marginally better on social
issues. But, as we have repeatedly pointed out,
Republicans aren't better than Democrats in all
sub-categories within the category of civil
liberties.
Furthermore,
Republicans can be said to simply reflect the
more libertarian orientation of their
constituencies. Senators Judd Gregg and Robert
Smith, from New Hampshire, are naturally going
to be more libertarian because the people of New
Hampshire are more libertarian. (You gotta love
New Hampshire's state motto: "live free or
die.")
In order to
estimate how much of a difference electing a
Republican means, we compared the voting records
of the twenty pairs of Senators from states with
one Republican and one Democratic Senator. The
average difference was 26. (For comparison, the
average difference between all Republican and
all Democratic Senators was 31.) At the low end,
Vermont, the Republican had only a 3 point
advantage, and at the high end, Florida and
South Dakota, the Republican had a 43 and a 44
point advantage.
Taken literally,
"a dime's worth of difference" means a
10 percentage point differential. The facts
indicate that, even considering differences in
constituency, there's a quarter's worth, not a
dime's worth of difference. Obviously, we in the
Republican Liberty Caucus believe this is a
significant difference.

Clifford
F. Thies e-mail
Past Chairman, Republican Liberty Caucus
Professor of Economics and Finance
at Shenandoah University
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