| 1998
Executive Summary
According to Bill Clinton and
the Democrats, the 1998 Congress was a "do
nothing" Congress, and, in one sense, they
were correct. No major legislation was passed --
not the Tobacco Settlement, nor Campaign Finance
Reform, nor the Patient’s Bill of Rights,
nothing was done to "save" Social
Security, and, when all was said and done, the
budget showdown was over a 1 percent increase in
spending. From a Republican perspective, it
could be said that it was a good thing that the
1998 session was a "do nothing"
Congress, because we withstood the Democratic
assault without giving up too much ground.
However, the fact that our side was on the
defensive, when we controlled both houses of
Congress, left a lot of us wondering about the
quality of our leaders. It was like President
Lincoln watching his generals commanding the
Army of the Potomac fail to defeat General Lee
and his smaller Army of Northern Virginia. To
quote President Lincoln, "What can I do
with such generals as we have?"
The Democratic
strategy in the 1998 session was to force the
Republicans to accept their legislative
initiatives, and to stymie Republican
legislative initiatives, on the basis that the
Republicans had only a narrow majority in the
House; could not break a filibuster in the
Senate; and, that even with bills they could
pass, they could not override a Presidential
veto. As a result, Congressional voting became
very polarized, with Democrats refusing to
compromise on anything, and waiting for Bill
Clinton’s "rope-a-dope" strategy to
force the Republicans, in the end, into
capitulation. In fact, this was the most
polarized Congress since I began constructing my
index. There was an unprecedented average gap of
49 points between the Republicans and the
Democrats in the two chambers on economics and
civil liberties. This polarization made many
Republicans look like true-blue libertarians
(which we don’t quite believe, we just think
they're better than the lousy Democrats).
Before
discussing what votes I included in this year’s
index, perhaps I should discuss some of the
votes not included: NATO expansion (i.e., the
Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland); national
missile defense, partial birth abortion or any
other abortion issue, the budget deal,
fast-track trade initiatives, and Puerto Rico
statehood. Arguments could be made that there
are libertarian positions on at least some of
these issues. However, I considered these votes
to be less useful for a libertarian index than
the included votes (which isn’t to say the
votes I included are perfect, only that they
were better). For example, whether NATO should
expand eastward is not, in my mind, the key
question. The key question is what are we doing
in NATO now that the Soviet Union has collapsed?
Rollcall
Votes
In the area of
economics, I included votes on the highway bill,
on hiring 100,000 new teachers, on the freedom
of Medicare patients to
"privately-contract" for services, to
establish Social Security personal retirement
accounts, to increase regulations on HMOs, to
increase spending on various welfare programs,
to restrict military base closings and to
de-fund the space station, to cap punitive
damages, and to reduce the holding-period
required to qualify for the lower capital gains
tax rate. I also included votes on private
property rights and the environment, labor union
organizing, the minimum wage, the Tax Limitation
Constitutional Amendment, Glass-Steagell repeal,
the IMF, and the so-called UN Debt.
High and Low Ratings
Two
Congressmen and one Senator scored 100 on the
economics index: Rep. Sue Myrick of North
Carolina (the first woman member of Congress to
register a 100), Rep. Steve Chabot of Ohio and
Sen. John Ashcroft of Missouri (both of the guys
being repeat 100 scores). Fourteen Congressmen
and two Senators made only one bad vote. Five
Congressmen (Cox CA, Radonovich CA, Rohrabacher
CA, Royce CA, Salmon AZ) and both Senators (Kyl
AZ, Thompson TN) got dinged on the space station
vote. Three Congressmen were tripped-up on
Glass-Steagell repeal (Christensen NE, Hefley
CO, Schaffer CO). One on federal regulation of
college sports (Hoekstra MI). Three on the
highway bill (Neumann WI, Paxon NY, Smith MI).
And, two on private property rights (Portman OH,
Sanford SC).
Personal Liberties
In the area
of civil liberties, I included votes on campaign
finance reform, federal regulation of alcohol
and tobacco, the war on drugs, choice in
education, gun control and immigration. I also
included votes on racial preferences, national
identity cards, Bosnia, IRS taxpayer abuse,
government-sponsored speech, ballot access,
prayer in public schools, and the bans on human
cloning, same-sex military training and gay
adoptions. With many of these "hot
button" social issues, it seems that
politics is the struggle of which side -- those
wanting to prohibit it versus those wanting to
mandate it -- will get to force their view onto
everybody else. The libertarian option, of
allowing each person to decide for himself, is
hardly ever considered. Thus, we have yet to
obtain one perfect score. This year, we have our
second near miss, Senator Connie Mack of
Florida, whose one boo-boo was agreeing to the
increase in the cigarette tax included in the
tobacco settlement.
Top Rated
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Ron Paul
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This year, our
co-winners in the Senate were John Kyl of
Arizona (the defending Senate champion) and John
Ashcroft of Missouri (the 1995 Senate champion).
In the House, the winner was Ron Paul of Texas
(the defending House champion, and a former RLC
chairman). Other very high scores in the House
were achieved by Hoekstra MI, Crane IL,
Rohrabacher CA, Chabot OH, Christensen NE, Armey
TX, Cubin WY, Paxon NY and Shaddegg AZ. The very
high score by Dick Armey is truly amazing
because, being Majority Leader, he is often
required to "toe the party line."
With the 1998
elections behind us, our party will now be
looking, as President Lincoln looked, for a new
leader. President Lincoln found that new leader
not among the staff officers and subordinate
commanders "inside the Beltway," but
in the west, in the person who scored an
enormous victory at Vicksburg. Who will be our
General Grant? Who will lead our party to
victory, and enable our superior forces,
finally, to roll back the welfare state and
restore our nation’s Constitutional order?

Clifford
F. Thies e-mail
Past Chairman, Republican Liberty Caucus
Professor of Economics and Finance
at Shenandoah University
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